El Sol de la Laguna: Allende guarda silencio tras la venganza de Los Zetas

Credit: Antonio Meléndez

To mark World News Day on September 28, 2022, the World News Day campaign is sharing stories that have had a significant social impact. This particular story was shared by Organización Editorial Mexicana (OEM).

En la ciudad nadie quiere hablar de lo ocurrido en 2011 y todavía persiste el temor. 

ALLENDE, Coahuila.- Sólo fincas abandonadas y destruidas y el silencio autoimpuesto de los habitantes de Allende queda luego de la masacre perpetrada en esta ciudad del norte de México hace ya más de una década por Los Zetas, en una venganza contra un soplón.

En una redada, la DEA decomisó más de 800 mil dólares en efectivo que iban ocultos en un tanque de un vehículo conducido por uno de los miembros del cártel, quien identificó a su jefe como José Vázquez Jr., alias El Diablo.

Vázquez Jr. era el distribuidor de cocaína más grande de Los Zetas en Texas, por lo que los agentes estadounidenses lo vieron como una gran oportunidad para llegar a los líderes del cártel y capturarlos.

La DEA presionó a El Diablo con la amenaza de meter a la cárcel a su esposa y su mamá si éste no les proporcionaba información de los Treviño Morales. Éste aceptó y convenció a Héctor Moreno, otro miembro de Los Zetas, de entregarle los números de rastreo de los celulares de sus jefes.

Moreno se encargaba de comprar celulares nuevos cada 15 días a los Treviño Morales para evitar que sus comunicaciones fueran interceptadas.

Credit: Antonio Meléndez
Credit: Antonio Meléndez, El Sol de la Laguna

El Diablo entregó a la DEA la información de los celulares y estos compartieron los datos con una unidad de la Policía Federal de México para que los rastreara y detuviera. Sin embargo, los agentes mexicanos informaron al cártel sobre la filtración de información, lo que desató la rabia de los líderes. El cártel de inmediato supuso que Héctor Moreno y José Luis Garza habían sido los “soplones”.

Garza era de Allende y formaba parte de una familia adinerada que se dedicaba a la ganadería y minería de carbón. Los hermanos Treviño Morales planearon la venganza en contra de sus delatores, enfocando primero su artillería en contra de la familia Garza y cualquiera que tuviera algún vínculo con ella.

Allende se encuentra a 383 kilómetros de Saltillo, la capital de Coahuila, al norte de México, y a 649 kilómetros de Torreón. Llegar ahí no es sencillo. En la señalética que está en la entrada del municipio precisa que, según el Censo del Instituto Nacional de Geografía y Estadística, en el 2020 había 42 mil 756 habitantes. El letrero, que todavía muestra los balazos de los encontronazos entre grupos delictivos y autoridades, está a menos de veinte metros de un retén militar y a 100 metros del cuartel de la Policía Civil de Coahuila.

Así fue que el viernes 18 de marzo decenas de criminales llegaron al poblado, localizaron las propiedades de los Garza y secuestraron a todo aquel que estaba en su interior.

Para en la noche se podían ver las llamaradas a lo lejos que salían de los ranchos. Los sicarios no hicieron distinción: hombres y mujeres, ancianos y niños, todo aquel con apellido Garza y que tuviera relación con la familia fueron desaparecidos y asesinados.

Incluso desaparecieron estudiantes, deportistas, profesionistas y pobladores que nada tenían que ver con los Garza y su único error fue haber estado esa noche en la calle.

La mañana del sábado 19, retroexcavadoras comenzaron a demoler las propiedades de los Garza: bodegas, casas, negocios y quintas de descanso.

Luego, los criminales incitaron a los pobladores a que las saquearan. Familias enteras entraron a las fincas por televisores, electrodomésticos, muebles y hasta el cableado. No quedó nada.

Christopher-Vanegas-El-Sol-de-la-Laguna
Credit: Christopher-Vanegas, El Sol de la Laguna

LA INACCIÓN

Del 18 al 22 de marzo en Allende y Piedras Negras se recibieron en el Sistema de Emergencias 089 un total de mil 451 reportes de auxilio que nadie atendió.

De acuerdo con la Comisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos, la policía municipal participó activamente en la desaparición de personas según la recomendación 10-VG/2018.

Después de consumar la masacre, el pueblo enteró calló por años. Aunque era un secreto a voces, nadie hizo nada. Ni autoridades ni fuerzas de seguridad se atrevieron a enfrentar al que era entonces el cártel más poderoso y sanguinario del país, pese a que algunos familiares de las víctimas habían interpuesto denuncias en la agencia del Ministerio Público en Piedras Negras.

En la mayoría de los casos de desaparición los familiares no denunciaron por temor de ser rastreados y asesinados y fue hasta principios de 2014 que se dio a conocer mediáticamente la masacre ocurrida en Allende.

La ahora Fiscalía General de Justicia tiene registro de 28 personas desaparecidas en ese fin de semana y 42 entre enero del 2010 y agosto del 2012. La cifra se basa en las denuncias que recibió la dependencia.

Activistas y colectivos de búsqueda de desaparecidos estiman que pudieron ser cientos las víctimas de aquel fin de semana, pero es fecha que el número es impreciso.

Christopher Vanegas - El Sol de la Laguna 2
Credit: Christopher Vanegas, El Sol de la Laguna

MÁS DE UNA DÉCADA DESPUÉS

Luego de más 10 años la población sigue en alerta: cuando ven a un vehículo que no porta placas de Coahuila o de Texas sus rostros cambian, se alejan y los visitantes que curiosean por la ciudad son vigilados en todo momento por hombres desconocidos.

Aún se desconoce cuántas personas fueron víctimas de la matanza. La cifra oficial de la Fiscalía de Personas Desaparecidas de Coahuila es de 28, sin embargo, asociaciones civiles y colectivos de búsqueda de desaparecidos señalan que fueron más de 90 y que la masacre no se limitó a los tres días de violencia en Allende, sino que fueron meses de plagios y asesinatos en todo el norte del estado.

De esas propiedades, aseguran los lugareños, sacaron a familiares y personal de servicio: empleadas domésticas, vigilantes, choferes, jardineros y jornaleros. Resultado de esa cacería, decenas de personas desaparecieron y todavía no se sabe nada de ellas.

Después de una década, las fincas todavía lucen destruidas, llenas de basura. Éstas propiedades contrastan con las que están a su alrededor. Son inmensas en comparación con las viviendas de interés social y tienen detalles de casas estadounidenses, tendencia marcada por su cercanía con Eagle Pass, Texas.

Al ver llegar a los reporteros de El Sol de La Laguna, los vecinos se metieron a sus casas y cerraron puertas y ventanas. No saben nada o en esas fechas estuvieron “fuera de la ciudad”, es la respuesta de quienes quisieron responder a la prensa, que sólo pudo llegar a Allende con el apoyo de personal de seguridad del estado que los escoltó.

En la calle Nogalar, donde había una quinta de descanso del “soplón”, los perros de las casas de enfrente empezaron a aullar y los móviles de viento, usados comúnmente como amuleto para ahuyentar las malas vibras, comenzaron a sonar.

El miedo de los pobladores es justificado, pues es reflejo de los desaparecidos que se han registrado en los últimos meses en la región. Sigue siendo una zona de riesgo.

Las familias de los desaparecidos tienen todavía la esperanza de saber qué fue lo que les pasó, porque viven con dolor y no han logrado cerrar el ciclo. Aun así, tienen miedo de hablar.

Christopher-Vanegas-El-Sol-de-la-Laguna
Credit: Christopher-Vanegas, El Sol de la Laguna

LAS CICATRICES

Además de las fincas destruidas, que persisten como cicatrices de una herida grave, en la ciudad hay dos memoriales. Uno en la plaza principal, construido el 27 de junio de 2019. Tiene cuatro columnas, donde versa una palabra en cada una de las columnas: Verdad, justicia, reconciliación y no repetición.

A su costado izquierdo, viéndolo de frente, tiene una placa que dice: “Por las violaciones graves a los Derechos Humanos posteriores en los municipios de Allende, Piedras Negras y la Región Norte del Estado de Coahuila, así como por las detenciones arbitrarias y desapariciones forzadas cometidas con posterioridad. El Gobierno del Estado de Coahuila de Zaragoza reafirma el compromiso a las víctimas de desaparición de un ser querido, para garantizar sus derechos de justicia, verdad, reparación de daño y no repetición”.

El otro es un obelisco situado a la salida de Allende, a menos de un kilómetro de llegar a Morelos. Se edificó en octubre de 2015; fue gestionado por la asociación civil “Alas de Esperanza” y construido por el Gobierno del estado y la autoridad municipal de ese tiempo.

Tiene una llama hecha de latón y una placa que reza: “En memoria de nuestros seres queridos. Pueden pasar los días y podrá separarnos la distancia pero siempre nos unirá ‘El amor y la Esperanza’. Todos unidos por la paz ‘Alas de Esperanza’”.

El Sol de México: Ambientalistas en la mira

Credit: Organización Editorial Mexicana (OEM).

To mark World News Day on September 28, 2022, the World News Day campaign is sharing stories that have had a significant social impact. This particular story was shared by Organización Editorial Mexicana (OEM).

Durante 2021 en México se registraron 25 asesinatos y más de 238 ataques a defensores del medio ambiente, con lo que el país ya es el segundo más inseguro del mundo para los ambientalistas.

Durante 2021 en México se registraron 25 asesinatos y más de 238 ataques a defensores del medio ambiente, lo que lo convierte en el año más peligroso para ser activista ambiental en el país. De acuerdo con el Centro Mexicano de Derecho Ambiental (CEMDA), la mayoría de los ataques se engloban en los estados de Morelos, Guerrero, Oaxaca y Sonora.

Uno de los casos más sonados fue el de Homero Gómez, defensor de la mariposa monarca y administrador de la reserva El Rosario en Ocampo, Michoacán, quien trabajaba en contra de la tala ilegal de árboles en dicha entidad, hasta que fue encontrado sin vida después de haber desaparecido durante dos semanas.

Sin embargo, se trata de un fenómeno mundial. En 2019, la ONG Global Witness registró 212 homicidios a ambientalistas y para 2020 la cifra aumentó a 227 lo que se traduce en más de cuatro ambientalistas asesinados por semana a nivel global.

En 2019 los países con más ataques registrados fueron Colombia y Filipinas, aunque para 2020 México subió de puesto y se convirtió en el segundo país más inseguro para ser defensor de la tierra.

Con más de 30 ataques letales, México registró un aumento del 67 por ciento respecto al año anterior, siendo la explotación forestal la causa relacionada con ellos.

Aunque hoy en día los ataques cubren una amplia gama que va desde vigilancia, robo de información e intimidación hasta violación sexual, acoso y asesinatos, el informe sobre la situación de las personas y comunidades defensoras de los derechos humanos ambientales publicado el 2021 por el Centro Mexicano de Derecho Ambiental, la intimidación, el hostigamiento y las agresion físicas son las tres agresiones más comunes en México.

SIN APOYO

Pero ¿qué es lo que ha disparado estos ataques? y ¿quién los está provocando?

“Esta situación ha aumentado en México por la impunidad y porque no recibimos ningún tipo de protección hasta que tenemos amenazas de muerte o sufrimos agresiones físicas, dijo a El Sol de México Aurélien Guilabert, activista ambiental, politólogo y maestro en Gestión de Proyectos y Cooperación Internacional.

Destacó que el rol que se le ha impuesto al ambientalismo por parte de los gobiernos es un factor que influye para el incremento de los ataques.

“Se ha estigmatizado el activismo por medio de discursos que desacreditan nuestro trabajo y lo desvirtúan diciendo que respondemos a intereses privados o de algunos partidos políticos cuando no es así, aunque esas palabras ya resonaron en muchos ciudadanos”, agregó.

Datos de la CEDMA muestran que desde el inicio de la actual administración, más de 58 activistas ambientales han sido asesinados en el país.

Asimismo, en México, el 95 por ciento de los casos presentados a la Fiscalía General de la República permanecen en impunidad según señala la organización México Evalúa.

“En el país apenas existe la justicia ambiental y aunque ya haya alrededor de 163 criterios reconocidos por la Suprema Corte en términos ambientales, es un problema de estado de derecho en donde no se están cumpliendo los derechos de las personas ni de la naturaleza ni de los pueblos indígenas”, añadió Guilabert.

Hoy en día, en México tampoco se apoyan las acciones en pro del medio ambiente. Tan sólo de 2018 a 2021 las áreas encargadas del medio ambiente tuvieron importantes recortes presupuestales, un indicador de la prioridad que tiene la naturaleza para el país.

INDÍGENAS, LOS MÁS AMENAZADOS

Diversas comunidades indígenas alrededor del mundo pelean sus tierras y recursos naturales con las grandes empresas y gobiernos que atentan contra el medio ambiente. Por ello son de los grupos más afectados y menos visibilizados al ser intimidados o agredidos.

Del total de agresiones a activistas en 2021, el 46.3 por ciento fue dirigido a miembros de comunidades indígenas, lo que supera las agresiones hacia miembros de integrantes de organizaciones de la sociedad civil y hacia defensores independientes.

Asimismo, durante 2020 más de un tercio de los ataques perpetuados fueron dirigidos hacia ellos.

“Se abusa de ellos pensando en que son fáciles de abusar, cuando ellos son quienes han contribuido a que cada uno de nosotros siga aquí. Las comunidades indígenas no le ponen un valor económico a un árbol o a un manglar; ellos cuidan la tierra porque la aman sin intereses políticos o internacionales de por medio”, dijo a esta casa editorial Natalia Lever, especialista en relaciones internacionales, sostenibilidad y cambio climático.

Fidel Heras Cruz fue el primer activista perteneciente a una comunidad indígena a quien le fue arrebatada la vida en 2021 y el primero de cinco defensores del Río Verde asesinados los primeros meses del mismo año.

Los cinco activistas vivían en una comunidad en Oaxaca con presencia de grupos de mixtecos, chatinos y afromexicanos.

Otra de las víctimas es Irma Galindo Barrios, defensora indígena que denunció la tala clandestina en los bosques de San Esteban Atatlahuca en Oaxaca, y quien está desaparecida desde el 27 de octubre de 2021.

Una de las comunidades más amenazadas hoy en día en México es San Esteban Atatlahuca, en donde los pobladores se oponían a la tala clandestina de árboles de la zona, por lo que fueron amenazados y hostigados entre el 21 y 23 de octubre del 2021.

Por su parte, en los estados de Yucatán y Quintana Roo, quienes han manifestado oposición a las obras del Tren Maya están sufriendo un incremento de estigmatización, amenazas y procesos de criminalización.

URGE PROTECCIÓN LEGAL

Ante este panorama, los ambientalistas del mundo exigen sistemas legales que los protejan para que defender la naturaleza no sea una labor mortal.

“Se necesita un sistema de protección accesible y desde un enfoque de prevención que no solamente responda a amenazas de muerte o a delitos ya cometidos”, dijo Guilabert.

Sin embargo, el desinterés por la naturaleza y sus defensores no es exclusivo de un gobierno o de una empresa. Los grupos delictivos también representan un riesgo, ya que en más de una ocasión se han enfrentado con ellos.

En diciembre del 2021, en Perú, el presidente de la Organización Regional Aidasep Ucayali, Berlín Diquez, aseguró que más de 15 ambientalistas de las comunidades nativas de Huánuco y Ucayali fueron amenazados de muerte.

Además indicó que esas zonas han sufrido tala desmedida por parte de los narcotraficantes, ya que ahí obtienen sembradíos de diferentes drogas.

“Debe existir sensibilidad hacia el tema por parte de los cuerpos policiacos y todo el poder judicial para que tengan un mejor trato con todos los ambientalistas que acuden a denunciar, pero sobre todo con las personas pertenecientes a las comunidades indígenas, quienes en muchas ocasiones no son escuchados”, explicó Guilabert.

El 4 de marzo de 2018, América Latina y el Caribe adoptaron en Escazú, Costa Rica, el Acuerdo Regional sobre el Acceso a la Información, la Participación Pública y Acceso a la Justicia en Asuntos Ambientales en América Laina y el Caribe, mejor conocido como el Acuerdo de Escazú.

Este garantiza el acceso a la información y los derechos de las personas defensoras de los derechos humanos en asuntos ambientales. Hoy en día el acuerdo ya fue firmado por 24 países de latinoamérica y busca extenderse a más regiones.

NADA LOS DETIENE

Aunque las agresiones son cada vez más constantes, también son más visibles, lo que genera en la población mayor apoyo y empatía hacia los defensores de la naturaleza.

“Las nuevas generaciones no van a permitir que esto siga pasando, porque ellos entienden el valor de los ecosistemas y de la naturaleza. Ellos son quienes van a seguir movilizando al activismo y van a seguir replicando la valentía, dignidad y trabajo de sus antecesores”, dijo Lever.

Otra de las estrategias para fortalecer los movimientos es trabajar en conjunto con otras causas, es decir; ir de la mano de otros ambientalistas, así como personas de la comunidad LGBT+ y feministas, entre otros, para que se creen diálogos solidarios y de apoyo mutuo.

“Más allá de generar una conciencia individual, también tenemos que escoger a personas que tengan como prioridad al medio ambiente; personas que lo entiendan y lo cuiden, y que también estén interesadas en guiar proyectos que garanticen un futuro seguro y sano para todos”, puntualizó Lever.

Los efectos del cambio climático se están acelerando y la población ya está sufriendo las consecuencias, por lo que hay que dar visibilidad y dignificar el trabajo de cada uno de los y las ambientalistas del mundo.

The Globe and Mail: Nunavut admits to large tuberculosis outbreak in Pangnirtung months later

St. Luke’s Mission Hospital, in Pangnirtung. The Nunavut Department of Health said on May 26 that 139 cases of TB have been identified in Pangnirtung in the past 18 months. PAT KANE/THE GLOBE AND MAIL.

To mark World News Day on September 28, 2022, the World News Day campaign is sharing stories that have had a significant social impact. This particular story, which was shared by The Globe and Mail (Canada), was published on May 27, 2022.

Pangnirtung, a small hamlet on Baffin Island, is grappling with the largest tuberculosis outbreak in Nunavut since 2017, according to data the territorial government released on Thursday after refusing for months to reveal the extent of the disease’s spread.

The Nunavut Department of Health said on Thursday that 139 cases of TB have been identified in Pangnirtung in the past 18 months, 31 of which were active, meaning the patients were sick and infectious. The rest were cases of latent or “sleeping” TB, an asymptomatic version of the bacterial infection that isn’t contagious, but that puts patients at risk of developing active TB in the future.

The Globe and Mail travelled to Pangnirtung as part of a continuing investigation into health care in Canada’s youngest territory. In interviews, community leaders have expressed frustration at the lack of official information about the TB outbreak, which Michael Patterson, the territory’s chief public-health officer, first declared on Nov. 25 without providing a tally of cases.

To read the full investigation on The Globe and Mail’s website, please click here.

VnExpress: Survivors recall do or die experiences after karaoke parlor fire

Smoke goes up from inside An Phu karaoke parlor in Binh Duong Province at around noon on September 7, 2022, 16 hours after a fire broke out at the bar and killed 32 people. Credit: VnExpress.

To mark World News Day on September 28, 2022, the World News Day campaign is sharing stories that have had a significant social impact. This particular story, which was shared by VnExpress (Vietnam), was published on September 14, 2022.

“Either jump or die,” Phuc told himself on turning around to see a blaze sweeping through the glass window of the restroom he was standing inside.

From the ventilator window of the restroom, he tried to locate the metal roof of the house next door and jumped down.

That decision saved his life.

Phuc is one of the 30 survivors of a deadly fire that took place last week at the An Phu karaoke parlor in the southern province of Binh Duong.

Thirty-two others perished.

Caught in the deadliest fire to occur in Vietnam in the past 20 years, survivors have lived to the tale of confronting imminent death – an unforgettable experience.

Nguyen Trong Phuc started his night shift at the karaoke parlor at 6 p.m. on Sep. 6.

The 18-year-old was new to the place, having worked at the parlor in Thuan An Town, around 50 km from Ho Chi Minh City, for less than a month.

“My parents divorced when I was a kid. I grew up with my maternal grandmother and still live with her. I had an accident several months ago and broke my arm. She had to take care of me. Now I must work and earn money to make it up for her.”

An Phu was one of the most popular venues for partying in Thuan An. It covered a floor area of more than 1,500 square meters on three stories. The rooftop of 500 square meters had been modified to provide accommodation for female employees.

The walls in each of the parlor’s 30 karaoke rooms were designed with three layers: soundproof foam mattress, plywood and decorative plastic panels.

Male employees like Phuc were in charge of allocating guests first into the 10 rooms on the third floor, then the 13 rooms on the second, and finally, seven rooms on the ground floor.

On the evening of Sep. 6, Phuc received the first group of customers soon after he started his shift. The next customers arrived in groups of four to seven each. Together, they filled up half the rooms on the third floor.

“Most of them were already quite drunk when they got there,” Phuc recalled.

Apart from allocating customers, male employees at An Phuc are tasked with receiving orders for drinks and food and cleaning up the karaoke rooms later.

“Only female employees stay in the rooms to serve the customers. Their number is equivalent to the number of customers,” Phuc said.

That night, everything was “normal,” with all customers singing and dancing passionately and some rooms ordering a second box of beer. There was no customer on the second and ground floors.

The normalcy was broken rudely with the sound of someone screaming, Phuc said.

“Smoke! There’s fire in the room,” two customers screamed as they rushed out of room No. 303 and ran downstairs.

At that moment, Phuc thought it was probably an electrical short, so he went in with the intention of switching the room for those customers. But the smoke spread out quickly and started to seep out from the gap on the door of that room.

Phuc and another male employee got in to inspect the situation, but “we were hit in the face by the smoke even though the fire could not been seen.” By then, black smoke was also rising along the two stairs leading to the third floor.

He yelled into his walkie-talkie: “Anyone there? There’s fire up here!”

There was no response, just screams and chaotic sounds.

At that moment, on the ground floor, Ngoc, the cashier, saw a tall, thin, topless man rushing down the stairs with his shirt hung on his shoulder.

“Fire. Fire. Too much smoke!” he screamed.

Panicking, Ngoc grabbed the fire extinguisher at the foot of her table, pressed it into the hand of another employee.

She continued to run to the corner of the hall to get more fire extinguishers and take them upstairs, but she could only reach the stairs. Smoke was all over the place. She had to turn back.

She then saw some people running down from the third floor and fled the bar immediately.

She also saw guards trying to get to the second and third floors but to no avail. She heard the manager urging people to call 114 — the firefighters’ hotline.

At that time, the second floor was engulfed in flames, completely cutting off the third floor from the rest of the building.

Phuc and another male employee knocked on the doors of rooms on the third floor and tried to scream as loud as possible to inform them of the fire but they kept singing.

The power was cut shortly after, leaving the entire parlor dark and filled with smoke.

“Usually, when the power goes off, female employees serving customers would reassure them, saying ‘the power will come back after a while’,” Phuc said, guessing that might be the reason the customers did not get out.

Phuc tried to reach the stairs and go down, but the smoke suffocated him.

He went into a room on the third floor that had no customers inside, got into the restroom, and shut the door to escape the smoke. He washed his face to compose himself and then rushed out, only to see that the flames had grown even stronger and was about to spread to the restroom.

He made a quick decision: take a risk and jump down.

Standing on the toilet, he climbed through the ventilator window and jumped down from a height of around 10 m. He fell onto the metal roof of the house next to the parlor and broke his right leg.

Nguyen Trong Phuc is treated with a broken leg at An Phu Hospital in Binh Duong Province, after jumping from the third floor of a karaoke parlor where he worked to escape a fire, September 7, 2022. Credit: VnExpress/Dinh Van.
Nguyen Trong Phuc is treated with a broken leg at An Phu Hospital in Binh Duong Province, after jumping from the third floor of a karaoke parlor where he worked to escape a fire, September 7, 2022. Credit: VnExpress/Dinh Van.

As Phuc tried his best to save himself, on the rooftop, female employee Truong Kim Nhi, 27, and two of her colleagues “heard people downstairs screaming about the fire.”

The three women planned to run downstairs, but the fire, heat, and smoke coming up from below did not allow them to do so.

They rushed to the balcony of the rooftop. Telling each other that they have to jump down now or get burned to death, they climbed through the balcony.

Looking down, Nhi, a single mom, was so scared that she wanted to get back yet she quickly changed her mind as by then, she could already feel the heat of the floor beneath her feet.

The three women jumped down on to the same metal roof as Phuc.

The leap left Nhi stunned. She tried to use the remaining strength she had with the support of local people to climb down from the roof. Two ankle bones were broken, but she was alive.

As she heard a fire siren howling in the distance, Nhi looked up at the waves of fire blazing from the third-floor window and wondered how many of her friends had managed to escape.

‘All a bit scared’

At 8:40 p.m., fire-fighter trucks of the Thuan An police department were dispatched to the scene. All the firefighters in the province were also mobilized and they brought with them several vehicles to rescue people and put the flames out.

In his decade-long career as a firefighter, Senior Lieutenant Le Quang Tuan, 34, had never dealt with a fire at a karaoke parlor before.

“As soon as I heard the news, I thought about the fire at a Hanoi karaoke parlor that claimed the lives of three firefighters [on August 1]. This one had the same number of floors. We were all a bit scared,” Tuan said, adding that most fire incidents in Binh Duong have to do with factories and companies, with wide floor areas but casualties were rare.

At the site, the flames were raging and licking all over the building, like a lighthouse in a sea of darkness. Black columns of smog and fumes spread around the premises, threatening anyone who dared to get too close.

“The front of the store has been covered with LED lights and wallpapers. There were no balconies on the sides of the building. The parlor itself was narrow and led deep inside, with multiple enclosed rooms. The moment I arrived, I knew this was going to be trouble,” Tuan said.

Lieutenant Colonel Bui Trong Hieu, deputy head of the Binh Duong firefighting police department, split the forces into specialized teams and approached the site. The foremost priority was rescuing the ones trapped on the roof.

“It was as if they were in a cage made of fumes,” Hieu recalled. He saw hands reaching out of the metal bars and heads bobbing up and down as swirls of black smokes enveloped them. The women inside were screaming and catching their breaths at the same time. Many of them were still in their pajamas.

Hieu and Tuan got into a truck and tried to use ladder to get to the victims. As they got closer, they began to make out the faces amidst the smokes – faces painted with black soot and desperation.

“Please save us! I can’t breathe anymore!” one screamed.

“Everyone remain calm! Whoever’s at the front will get out first, and no pushing! Everyone will be rescued!” Tuan shouted out. He proceeded to tear down several bars, making enough room for one person to slide in. 

Hieu turned himself into a human scaffold for those inside to get out. 12 people were rescued, many of them suffering from severe burns and asphyxiation. They were taken to the An Phu Hospital just 500 m away.

When the screams began to die out and the flames at the parlor’s signpost were put out, Hieu hoped everyone inside had managed to get out. 

It was 9 p.m.

“I wish everything had ended there.”

‘Parlor of death’

“There are still 5-6 people trapped on the second floor!” a male employee shouted at the firefighters. Hieu realized that they could not accurately determine how many people were still left inside.

A rooftop check revealed that it could not be used to gain access to lower floors due to the flames and heat. The teams had to change course and try to get inside from the ground and the sides of the building.

As the first team to head in, staff sergeant Nguyen Huu Tinh, 26, led his group towards the third floor. The last one on the line was in charge of putting out surrounding flames with a fire hose, and also wetting the clothes of the team to reduce the heat.

The moment they stepped onto the second floor, Tinh could see embers flashing on the walls of the hallway. The fumes got into their noses and their eyes. Everyone had to crawl on the floor as closely as possible, unable to see ahead of them. It only got worse once they reached the third floor; the water almost instantly vaporized once they made contact with the walls.

“It was like a boiler room,” Tinh said.

Through his protective glasses, Tinh strained his eyes to look for any light coming from three flashlights the team brought with them. The only sounds he heard were of their own footsteps and water bouncing off objects in the hallway. The heat was unbearable, yet Tinh felt chills running down his spine.

Tinh pushed away a door leading into the first karaoke room he found. Stumbling in the darkness, he tried to make sense of the void around him so he could lead the entire team behind him. His hand laid on something soft.

It was a man in short jeans with a naked torso. He was in fetal position. He was dead.

“Despite wearing gloves, I could still feel the immense heat coming from his body,” Tinh said. He gathered his strength and lifted the body up with his team, trying to find their way back to the ground floor. It was the first victim they found in room 301.

By this time, over 100 firefighters had been dispatched to the fire site. The residual heat on the third floor was still too great however, making rescue efforts very difficult. Scouts could only go in for around 15 minutes before having to run out to replace oxygen tanks.

Hieu said the karaoke parlor was designed as an enclosed space, so there was no way for the smoke and heat to escape. Efforts to breach the walls and the roof to put out the fire inside also proved very difficult, as there were soundproof sponges and other objects in the way.

Twelve hours after the fire had broken out, smoke was still coming off the roof and holes in the walls. Firefighters spent the entire night trying to put out the flames. Ambulances went in and out constantly and the number of casualties kept going up by the hour.

As of September 7 afternoon, all karaoke rooms had basically been scouted. The scouting team led by Tuan was tasked with breaking doors down.

“I hoped we wouldn’t find anybody.”

There was something blocking the door to the restroom. Three firefighters had to push at the same time to even budge it. A slight crack opened, and an indescribable smell came pouring out. Soot and burned fat.

“That smell haunts me even now,” Tuan said.

The team soon realized what was blocking the door: eight bodies stacked on top of one another.

“It was too painful. That image will follow me for the rest of my life,” Tuan said, adding that the restroom was where most of the bodies were found.

The search for victims lasted 23 hours and a total of 32 bodies were found. It was the most tragic fire in Vietnam in the last 20 years after a fire at the ITC building in Ho Chi Minh City claimed the lives of 60 people in October 2002.

In all his 22 years as a firefighter, Hieu had never seen such a devastating incident.

“Just 400 square meters caught fire, yet 32 lives were lost… It was truly a parlor of death.”

Where the bodies were found in Binh Duong’s karaoke parlor fire. Credit: VnExpress/Khanh Hoang

Rádio Gaúcha Zero Hora: Unfinished schools: how can the problem be avoided?

Lisiane has twins Maurício and Murilo (10 months old) and also takes care of five other children in their fifth year of age. All would be potential clients of the unfinished day care centre in Gravataí. André Ávila/Agencia RBS.

To mark World News Day on September 28, 2022, the World News Day campaign is sharing stories that have had a significant social impact. This particular story, which was shared by Rádio Gaúcha Zero Hora (Brazil), was published on June 24, 2022.

Transparência Brasil carried out a study on abandoned Ministry of Education works and concluded that there were many failures in the Proinfância program.

In addition to the audit by the Federal Audit Court (TCU), Transparência Brasil carried out a study on abandoned Ministry of Education (MEC) construction works and concluded that there were many failures in the Proinfância program. 

— Some companies won bids without being able to deliver the works. There was a delay in transfers from the federal government, lack of control, as many works were left with funds withheld for years. Municipalities used money from daycare centers for other purposes and the federal government never recovered the amounts. The FNDE failed to make basic demands, such as the ownership of the land by the municipalities — says Juliana Sakai, director of operations at the entity.

The assessment is shared by another non-governmental organization, Observatório Social do Brasil, which carried out a sampling inspection. The entity monitored 135 daycare works in 21 Brazilian municipalities. Only one was completed on time, notes Ney Ribas, president of the entity. 

— There was a lack of control by the federal government, by the FNDE. And, locally, many municipalities failed to properly use the funds received. Either because they didn’t present projects, or because they weren’t efficient in the execution of the work — notes Ribas. 

— In the case of MVC, the biggest problem was the company’s low financial capacity. It had to make large investments before receiving the federal resource and also faced a lag in the amounts budgeted by the FNDE, in addition to possible delays in transfers. There was also difficulty in hiring local labor — adds Keyla Boaventura, from the TCU Secretariat for Urban Infrastructure. 

And what can be done now and in future bids like this? 

One of the steps recommended by the experts heard is to carry out bids in which companies prove that they really have the capacity to invest. Another is to establish a permanent inspection of the work, from the first piece of concrete laid. Notifying municipalities so that they demand compliance of the company and suspend payment in the first stoppage should also have been done – that is, the work between the federal government and municipalities could be in better harmony. 

Experts also mention that avoiding early payments is ideal. Finally, the recommendation is that funding bodies use technical criteria, and do not prioritize granting political advantages to ideological allies when choosing companies. 

The Daily Star: How did a bike accident become an extortion case?

The Daily Star logo.

To mark World News Day on September 28, 2022, the World News Day campaign is sharing stories that have had a significant social impact. This particular story, which was shared by The Daily Star (Bangladesh), was published on September 13, 2021.

A simple motorbike accident by a teenage boy in the capital’s Mirpur has been turned into an extortion case against eight school and college students for reasons the victim, his family and witnesses cannot explain.

In the evening of March 7, Abdul Barek was hit and injured by a teenage biker in front of Baitur Rahman Jame Mosjid in Mirpur 12.

The 60-year-old was first rushed to a nearby hospital and then to the National Institute of Traumatology and Orthopaedic Rehabilitation by locals, and he returned home the same night with his fractured left arm in a cast.

A case drafted by Rab-4 three days later tells a very different story, however.

The case makes no mention of the accident or the biker. Instead, it accuses five college students and three more teenagers, including two school-goers from the neighbourhood, of “beating, injuring and extorting Tk 40,500” from Barek, a tea vendor.

The accused include a 15-year-old son of Mohon Mia, who is allegedly a victim of enforced disappearance. Mohan Mia went missing in 2018 after a dispute over a piece of land in Mirpur 2 with a local man.

Mohon Mia’s father Jamsher Ali and locals suspect some Rab members sided with that man, and turned against Jamsher’s family and some locals.

Locals and the victims’ families also suspect Rab was influenced by an informant who wanted to “teach these boys a lesson” for the bike accident.

Barek’s son Nazmul Hossain Bappi, the plaintiff of the case, said he wanted to file a case over the accident, seeking compensation, and that he only signed the statement drawn up by Rab.

He also alleged that Rab kept him and five of the accused in the Rab-4 headquarters in Paikpara for about 24 hours, before they were all taken to Pallabi Police Station for Bappi to lodge the already drafted case and for the five students to be handover to the police.

Parvez Islam, officer-in-charge of Pallabi Police Station, declined to comment citing ongoing investigation.

Rab-4 Company Commander refuted all the allegations and said they acted properly.

What happened?

Talking to The Daily Star recently, Barek said he was returning home after buying some goods for his shop when the accident happened.

He said the biker, who was alone, could be aged around 15, and that he passed out after being hit.

“I later came to know that my son filed a case. I thought it was over the accident and that we would get some compensation… But later, the whole story changed,” he said.

According to the case statement, the accused came in front of Barek’s tea stall in Mirpur 12 on three motorbikes and demanded Tk 20,000. Refused, they beat him up with iron pipes, leaving him with a fractured arm and injuries to his head and other parts of the body.

A spot visit by The Daily Star found the accident spot is about a kilometre from the tea stall.

Barek said nothing in the case statement is true.

The case, filed on March 10, also states that the accused were members of “Sumon-Habib” gang involved in extortion and mugging in the area.

Locals said there was indeed one such gang, but the accused and their families denied they were involved with the group.

The twist

After hitting Barek, the biker fled the scene, leaving the bike that he borrowed from another teenager. The Daily Star is withholding the biker’s name for legal reasons.

Subsequently, he told the bike owner, Nahidul Islam Nirob, 19, and some other friends about the accident. In the hope of getting back the bike, they contacted the victim’s family immediately, offering compensation. They also supported Barek with his treatment at two hospitals.

Nirob and four of his friends made an agreement with Bappi that they would come the following day (March 8) for final settlement regarding compensation for Barek and the return of the bike.

In the meantime, a man known as a Rab informant in the neighbourhood who happens to be an acquaintance of Bappi, told Bappi that he could use his influence to secure the compensation.

He also told Bappi, who lost his brother a year ago in a separate bike accident in the area, that he should teach these boys a lesson.

Everything changed after a Rab team raided the area as the bike owner and four of his friends went there for the settlement on March 8 evening, said Habibur Rahman Payel, one of the accused.

“As we were about to enter Barek’s house, some Rab members in plainclothes stormed the scene out of nowhere. We were rounded up and kept in Rab custody till late evening of March 9. Then we were handed over to Pallabi police,” he said.

None of them were allowed to contact their families, he claimed.

Bappi, who was also taken to the Rab 4 office along with the five accused, said he wanted to file a case over reckless driving.

“But the Rab members didn’t want it that way,” he said.

He claimed when a Rab official drafted the case, he requested the official not to charge the boys with beating up his father.

After the drafting was over, the Rab official asked Bappi to sign it.

“They also recorded a complaint that said the gang members threatened us, and had me sign that too,” Bappi added.

Nakib Uddin Shikder, a local trader, and Montaj Ali, an embroidery worker, who were made witnesses in the case, were surprised to learn about the allegations made in the complaint.

“The case statement is completely false,” Nakib said, and then went on to describe how the accident took place near the mosque before Maghrib prayers, how locals took Barek to the hospital and how they seized the bike in the hope of getting compensation for the family.

“We know nothing about the extortion and assault,” Nakib said, adding that a day after the incident, a Rab team went to his shop near the scene of the accident and asked him to sign a document.

Montaj was not even present at the scene of the accident. And yet, Rab members allegedly forced him to sign a paper when he went to a mobile servicing shop near Barek’s house the next day.

“I told them I am illiterate and cannot read or write. So, Rab members wrote my name on a piece of paper and had me practise several times before making me sign their paper,” he alleged.

Abuse of power?

Former Inspector General of Police AKM Shahidul Haque expressed his disbelief at the findings of The Daily Star, and said, “If true, then it is a clear case of abuse of power.”

Noted rights activist Nur Khan questioned the very involvement of Rab in a case of an accident.

“Rab was not supposed to be involved in this matter. If needed, police could take action [against the biker]. It appears that Rab did this beyond the legal scope of its work,” he said.

The accused college students, Habibur Rahman Payel, Nahidul Islam Nirob, Proggyanur Rahman Mughdo, Saiful Islam, and Dewan MA Mahim, are now on bail.

Of the three boys accused, one is the son of Mohon Mia, the alleged victim of enforced disappearance, the other is Mohon’s cousin while the third is a resident of the neighbourhood.

One of the three was arrested by Rab one and a half month after the case was filed, and he has since been freed on bail. The other two boys have been living in fear of arrest.

Court sources said Bappi, the plaintiff, has submitted a deposition that he had no objection if the accused were discharged.

Asked about the three other accused, Payel, himself an accused, said he did not even know them and that he came to know about the three much later.

Zahirul Islam, who retired from a security force, denied that he was a Rab informant.

He said he was in the vicinity when Rab members raided the area.

“One of my former colleagues [in the security force] was in the Rab team and he invited me to their canteen. That’s why I went to the Rab office with Bappi,” he said.

Rab 4 Company Commander Superintendent of Police Joyita Shilpi, who led the drive, said they acted upon the complaint filed by the plaintiff. She also denied that Rab members drafted the case statement.

Asked about the three teenage boys’ inclusion in the case, she said she was only aware of five accused. “I do not know what happened later.”

Rádio Gaúcha Zero Hora: Unfinished daycare centers: what families who have nowhere to leave their children have to say

Without the Curumim Street crèche, Marilene Moretto looks after her grandson Matheus. André Ávila/Agencia RBS.

To mark World News Day on September 28, 2022, the World News Day campaign is sharing stories that have had a significant social impact. This particular story, which was shared by Rádio Gaúcha Zero Hora (Brazil), was published on June 24, 2022.

Just over half of the 1,800 daycare centers provided for in the federal government’s Proinfância program in Rio Grande do Sul were completed after 10 years.

Ten years later, just over half of the 1,800 daycare centers provided for in the federal government’s Proinfância program in Rio Grande do Sul were completed. While city administrations try to finish the works, the Ministry of Education announced it will prioritize new, not yet started projects.

The RBS Research Group visited eight unfinished schools, in the Metropolitan Area and on the North Coast. These summarize the dilemma faced by thousands of people who put off the dream of working outside the home because they have no one to leave their children with, even though they saw daycare centers being built – and then abandoned. Here are a few reports on the matter:

The municipality of the Metropolitan Area has one of the worst scenarios. Four architectural skeletons were abandoned between 2013 and 2015. The worst case is in Rincão da Madalena, where a school had just started its foundations, 7% of the work. Two others, in Loteamento Porto Seguro and in Morada do Vale III, reached half of the building works. Over time, weeds grew between rooms, tiles and window frames were stolen, buildings became homes for the homeless and the walls are covered in graffiti. 

GZH located six of the children who could have enjoyed the daycare on Rua Aliança, in the Morada do Vale III neighborhood. Today they babysat by pedagogue Lisiane Fraga Trindade, as their parents have to work. The daycare was stuck at 52.8% of what was promised. The government transferred BRL 135,000, of the BRL 788,000 agreed. 

Lisiane has twins Maurício and Murilo (10 months old) and also takes care of Laura Souza, Eduarda Magno, Gabrielli Oliveira Ribeiro, Eloá Costa, and Bryan Costa Nascimento – all in five-year-old range. All were potential daycare customers. Today they use the abandoned work site to play hide and seek. 

– It became an animal dwelling. Even a dead dog was removed from there. There are also homeless people there,” says Lisiane. 

Bryan, five years old, was always taken care of by his grandparents, Solange, and Luís Alberto Pons Nascimento. He should have taken advantage of the daycare on Rua Aliança. He lives in the house just opposite the site. Now, he and other children have found a place in the adjoining room of a nearby school, improvised in place of the day care center. 

The same drama echoes on Rua Curumim, in Loteamento Porto Seguro. Homemaker Marilene Moretto takes care of her 18-month-old grandson Matheus, while his parents work. He has been on the waiting list for a neighborhood daycare since December. The daycare center construction started in the neighborhood by developers MVC had 54.1% of the construction carried out. It was budgeted at BRL 1.5 million, and the National Education Development Fund (FNDE) transferred only BRL 481,000. The works came to a halt in 2015. 

— The abandoned building turned into a dump site. A shame. In the meantime, the boy has no one to stay with — says Marilene. 

At least one of the interrupted MVC-developed schools was resumed in Gravataí. It is the day care center in the Morada do Vale II neighborhood, which is 90% built. The deadline for completion is six months. The FNDE even transferred BRL 1.3 million, out of the BRL 1.4 million forecast. Now the city administration will top up the necessary funds out of its own coffers. 

The municipality of Gravataí also informs that it is studying the possibility of resuming the other abandoned daycare centers using a new constructive methodology, already used in other units. They are modular classrooms with structures in white concrete with fiberglass – which improves temperature and acoustics. 

Guaíba

Guaíba had two daycare centers designed by MVC. Both were abandoned when about half of the work was built, more than eight years ago. One is in the Columbia subdivision. The other, in the Pedras Brancas neighborhood, two densely populated lower-middle-class areas. Both were budgeted at BRL 1.4 million each. The federal government transferred BRL 753,000 to each of them. The first reached 53% of the promised construction, the other was 56.4% finished. 

Children who would benefit from the day care center in the Colúmbia subdivision, such as four-year-old Vicente Boeira, and his 11-year-old brother Miguel, are now babysat by their grandparents. Retiree Flávio Boeira recalls how the neighborhood’s mothers were filled with hope in the past decade, when the 250-capacity daycare center was announced. 

“It was all great on paper. Workers were suddenly gone,” says Bernadette, a grandmother who spends the day with the children. 

Osório

For a long time, saleswoman Valéria Machado Delfino, a resident of Osório, had no one to babysit her six-year-old son Bernardo. She would sometimes leave him with her mother Jucélia. Or with a babysitter, “even though I cannot afford it,” summarizes the salesperson. 

Bernardo would only set foot in a daycare center when he was four years old. Before that, he spent time playing on the plot of land of what should have been a Proinfância daycare in the Medianeira neighborhood. The daycare started to be built in March 2014. It was interrupted in January 2015, with 37.05% of the work completed. Since then, it has become a place for children to play and a home for the homeless. 

The FNDE reports having transferred BRL 752,000 of the BRL 1.5 million agreed with the Osório Administration, which claims to have returned BRL 303,000 to the Federal Government, after MVC abandoned the work. Due to the degradation of the building, thefts and depredations, the city government tried to change the methodology to the conventional use of bricks. This became unfeasible, because the concrete base of the MVC school was designed for fiberglass and not for masonry, explains Osório’s Secretary of Education, Dilson Maciel. The weight would be too much, and the additional cost would not be worth it. 

The decision was to demolish what was left of the fiber walls. The city government filed a lawsuit to try to obtain compensation, to be paid by the construction company. 

Cidreira

The ground of what should have been one of the main daycare centers in Cidreira, on the North Coast, became a city square. Tired of waiting for a building that was never built, the residents of Vila Nazaré took part of the material abandoned by the construction company MVC to transform into a playground. The fiberglass slats gave rise to swings, some became trash cans and flower boxes. 

The FNDE transferred BRL 428,000 to the Cidreira Administration for the construction of the school, which represents more than half of the BRL 790,000 planned for the work. But the construction stopped at 9% of the total agreed. The city administration is thinking about building another day care center, but without taking advantage of the structure left by MVC. 

— The base became rusted. And what was left of the work, on the surface, was stolen — confirms Osório’s Secretary of Education, Mercedes Giroleti. 

Construction worker Igor Pereló de Fraga was also impacted. The daycare would take in his nine-year-old daughter Maria. But it stopped being built when it was still just on the floor level. 

— One day, workers simply left and never came back. And Maria was left without daycare. She even cut her foot when she bumped into one of those fiber and plastic structures they have left behind. Then she was taken care of by my wife, without having anywhere to study when she was little. As everything was abandoned, the people turned it into a square — described Igor. 

Secretary Mercedes says that the city administration wants to resume the work. It just does not know for how much money and when. 

Terra de Areia

Obscene graffiti, used condoms, snakes… The premises of the Parque Aliança Early Childhood Education School, close to the central area of Terra de Areia, have a little bit of everything. Except students. It has never opened. Construction stopped when it reached 34.48% of the forecast in 2014. Since then, the floor and walls have remained, which are being depredated more and more every day. 

— Unfortunately, it became a point of trafficking, prostitution, and a target of depredation. It is a shame. Who are we going to hold responsible for this? — asks businessowner Janete Cardoso Eberhardt. 

Janete lives half a block away from the abandoned school and has three children who could have gone to the daycare center: Laura, 12, Gustavo, 9, and Luísa, 6. She and the children’s father, Sérgio Eberhardt, had to take their children to rooms rented by the city administration, in a more distant location. 

A similar situation occurred with the employee of a funeral home, Juliana Cruz da Silveira. Only a little worse. With nowhere to leave her eight-year-old daughter Iara, when she was young, Juliana had to stop working. She could only return to work a short time ago. 

The FNDE says it transferred BRL 395,000 of the BRL 790,000 planned for the work. The city government filed a lawsuit against the construction company, and, in the absence of day care centers, rooms were rented around the city to house the children. 

Três Cachoeiras

Two babysitters, a veteran and a novice, take turns at the home of businessowner Tiago Borges and his wife, physical therapist Rosana Mengue Borges. That is because daycare centers in the coastal city of Três Cachoeiras are insufficient. In the absence of anyone to leave their 18-month-old son Vicente with, the couple has to pay for babysitters. 

They live 20 meters from an abandoned structure that should have become a daycare, built by MVC. The work began in 2014 and should have been completed the following year. Vicente was still just a project in his parents’ minds, but they were already counting on using the center as soon as he was born. They and hundreds of other Três Cachoeiras residents. 

— However, in the middle of the last decade, the work mysteriously stopped. We even thought it would restart, with construction material piled up on the concrete floor. Vicente was born, he is of daycare age, but there is no sign of a center there — says Borges. 

The FNDE transferred BRL 395,000 of the BRL 790,000 planned for the work. The contractor made 40.4% of what was agreed and quit. Today, only the floor is usable, describes mayor Flávio Lipert. The fiber part was removed by the city workers and left on the ground. 

— The city administration filed a lawsuit against the company. Until a sentence is issued, the FNDE is not willing to transfer new funds. Our only solution is building a new daycare with our own funds – complains Lipert.

National Post: Exclusive study reveals increasing use of publication bans in Canada

An exclusive study of court data from four provinces reveals the increasing use of publication bans, which rob the public’s right to know what’s going on. Photo: National Post illustration.

To mark World News Day on September 28, 2022, the World News Day campaign is sharing stories that have had a significant social impact. This particular story, which was shared by the National Post (Canada), was published on June 20, 2022.

The National Post, with help and advice from other Postmedia newspapers, undertook the first study to quantify the fast-increasing use of publication bans in Canadian courts. It had never been studied by justice ministries, court administrations or legal academics, and the data assembled over several months of research was surprising.

Led by veteran reporter Adrian Humphreys, the Post’s study (of all known discretionary publication bans requested during the previous two years in courts across four key provinces) found a total of 577 such applications in 2020 and 2021, with a 25 per cent increase from one year to the next.

Media lawyers told the National Post that prosecutors and defence counsel are becoming increasingly brazen with their requests, which they called an attack on a hallmark of democracy and an intrusion on freedom of expression.

The goal is to use this data to advocate for the open courts principle outlined by the Supreme Court of Canada.

To read the full story on the National Post’s website, please click here.

The Daily Star: Where do the ‘disappeared’ disappear to?

Illustration: Biplob Chakroborty.

To mark World News Day on September 28, 2022, the World News Day campaign is sharing stories that have had a significant social impact. This particular story, which was shared by The Daily Star (Bangladesh), was published on August 30, 2022.

“How are our loved ones? Are they eating well? Are they being tortured? Are they… alive?” These questions haunt the family members of the victims of enforced disappearance as they spend agonising weeks, months and years, holding out hope against all odds. 

At least 522 people have become victims of enforced disappearance between 2009 and 2018 in Bangladesh, cite various human rights organisations. 

Most survivors who come back home after being released from their forced captivity stay away from the public eye, never revealing where they were or who took them. A March 2022 study by the Centre for Governance Studies (CGS) tracked down cases happening between 2019 and 2021 and found that of the 30 percent of victims that were released, or officially arrested and thrown in jail, not one spoke up. 

But on condition of anonymity, five such survivors answered the questions asked most pertinently by their loved ones.

While their families search every alleyway, survivors say that they lived right around the corner in the capital city. 

All testimonies by survivors point to at least two separate centres in Dhaka city, allegedly run by a security force and a law enforcement agency, and a third centre in a southern district. 

According to the claims made in the interviews, the centres are fully fledged illegal prisons, running on taxpayers’ money meant for maintaining law and order and protecting the country. 

The Daily Star is refraining from mentioning the names of the units to protect the anonymity of the sources. 

Illustration: Biplob Chakroborty.
Illustration: Biplob Chakroborty.

The details described by two of the survivors correspond with each other and point to one centre – let’s call it Centre “U” – while three other survivors all gave identical testimonies of the second centre. Let’s call it Centre “C.”

The survivors were kept in the centres for periods ranging from two months up to one and a half years. Their years of detention spanned between 2015 and 2020. 

Four of the survivors were picked up for political reasons and their social media activities, while one survivor, who had been kept in Centre “C,” was a case of mistaken identity.

All of the survivors were picked up from Dhaka – this corresponds with the CGS study that found that over a third of the cases happened in just the capital city.

At Centre “U,” the victims described harsher, inhumane living conditions and torturous interrogations, while the victims at Centre “C” described a meticulously designed prison equipped to cater to any and all needs of the detainees.

Both, however, serve the singular purpose of holding a person against his will in solitary confinement, arbitrarily and illegally, for an endless period of time, not knowing whether he will be released or see the end of his life. 

Both detainees from Centre “U” described being held in cells roughly 2.5 feet in width, four feet in length and five feet in height — “such that one cannot lie down, or stand up. One must always be half-sitting or half-lying.” The cells had three concrete walls and a prison cell door with rungs. 

One of the detainees was kept there for four months before being transferred to a southern district, while another detainee was kept there for a little over a week before being transferred to a bigger cell within the same centre. Their detention periods were five years apart. 

Both detainees spoke of being blindfolded and handcuffed during the entirety of their stay at Centre “U”. 

“It was very dark, but I was also blindfolded. Everyone gets blindfolded. The cell was two floors down under the ground. They strip you down to your underwear. They give you a lungi. The lungi was given many, many hours later after stripping,” said one detainee, describing the initial moments of his captivity. 

“Our hands were cuffed at the back for the whole duration of our captivity, except when it was time to eat and when we went to the bathroom,” he said. The continuous handcuffing was such that a guard took pity on them and used to secretly open their handcuffs at night. 

“There was an uncle, an old guard; he used to uncuff all our hands after midnight for a few hours. We could then open our blindfolds. I got him on three nights during my stay,” said the detainee. He was held at Centre “U” for less than three months.

The detainee said that he was transferred to a bigger cell a week into his arrival to Centre “U”. “I climbed metal staircases to my second cell. This place had a bigger room, but it was extremely hot and there were lots of mosquitos. The rooms had stand fans – they were switched on only occasionally. They knew exactly how much would be needed to keep us alive,” he described.

“The floor was of broken cement. And we were made to sleep on the floor without any bedding. I was given a bottle of mineral water and I used to use that as a pillow under my head. It could get so cold at night on the floor…” he recalled. 

Another detainee who stayed at the centre for less than six months said, “For as long as I was in that centre, I was kept blindfolded and handcuffed. The centre was probably three storeys underground.” He said that he had realised this because when he was being transferred to another centre, they made him climb up three storeys and then he straightaway entered a vehicle kept at that level. 

Similar to the first detainee, his cell too was too small to lie down in, and he sat up for months on end. 

Both the victims said they had counted the number of detainees by the noises made by plates and doors during meal distributions. 

The first detainee said he remembered counting 12 cells, one facing the other. “I counted when my eyes were opened for the first time by the kind guard, and I saw the cell opposite to mine. I also counted by the clicking of cell doors when they used to give us food.”

The second detainee said, “There were about 14 of us in that long hall. I counted by the noise of the metal plates hitting the floor during mealtimes.” 

Similarly, even though their detention periods were spaced five years apart, they were both tortured during interrogation.

“I was interrogated for six hours. Every part of me was tortured. They used movie-like torture methods. They used something to give intense heat from up top. I was bleeding from the nose because of the torture. By the time they took me back to my cell, I was unconscious,” said one.

Illustration: Biplob Chakroborty.
Illustration: Biplob Chakroborty.

Another claimed, “I was made to sit in a wooden chair with ankle bindings and wrist bindings. They attached two crocodile clips to my earlobes and the clips were attached to two batteries. They would ask a question and send a jolt to my ears. They kept threatening that if I did not cooperate, they would attach the clips to my genitals. I urinated because of the torture.

“I would be beaten if I tried praying. They used to say that a sinner like me need not pray,” he shared.

He also described another method of torture at a second centre. After his stint in the capital city, he was taken to another centre outside the capital towards the south. The Daily Star is refraining from naming the district to protect the detainee. 

“It took many hours to reach that place. On our way to that district, I heard the names of the areas from the bus conductors crying out for passengers, and so I know where I was taken. The place was not too far from a launch jetty, because I kept hearing the whistles of the ships during my stay there,” he described. 

The torture method in that centre involved force-feeding. “They would bring buckets containing several kilograms of beef. ‘You will have to eat half of this,’ they would tell me. For each meal, we were given six eggs,” described the detainee. “You have no idea how much money they spend behind each detainee.” 

At that particular centre, the walls were of corrugated tin and the detainees were kept in what looked like large animal cages. “At least I could stretch my legs inside. Here, instead of having my hands locked in the front, one hand was put in a cuff, and the cuff was tied to a long rope attached to a hook outside the cage.” There were four cages inside the long room, he said.

“There came a time, when the other three people were taken away one day. When my handlers came back, they said that one had been let go, while the other two had been shot dead in ‘crossfire.’ From that point, until I was released, I spent my time in mortal fear thinking that I would be killed too,” he stated.

The threat of “crossfire” was used as an interrogation tool and torture method. “I was taken to a large highway in the city – I was blindfolded and cuffed so I don’t know which one. When we reached the area, everyone got out of the car, leaving me. I could feel a person getting in. He asked me questions about my political allegiance. At one point during the questioning, I was dragged out of the car and asked to run. I was afraid of being shot from the back, so I did not run and just stood in my spot,” he said. 

Both the detainees described the use of large machines as noise-cancelling techniques to drown out the voices of the people inside. 

One detainee said something like a large generator operated at all hours. “I started bleeding from the nose and throat because of the noise,” he said.

The other detainee described extremely loud music being played at certain times. “It would make my head hurt.” 

He also said he would have to shower in the middle of the night. “I was bare-chested and had only one lungi. Every time I washed it, I would have to wear the wet lungi until it dried. I am prone to the cold and it was pure torture,” he said. 

Five years later, laundry systems at the centre were seemingly improved. The other detainee described, “They had a collection of lungis and T-shirts that would get rotated among the inmates. We could wash our T-shirt and lungi and leave it to dry in the washroom and be handed a replacement,” he said. 

Both the detainees cut their hair and shaved only once during their many months of detention, just prior to release. 

Illustration: Biplob Chakroborty.
Illustration: Biplob Chakroborty.

Centre “C”

The three detainees of Centre “C” described better facilities and did not report torture. 

All detainees described the centre as a fully functioning outfit with its own kitchen, capable of cooking feasts, a barber’s room, a doctor’s room, fully stocked bathrooms, rooms furnished with beds and blankets, high commode toilets and even books for the detainees to read. 

Some of the detainees would respectfully be addressed as “sir” or “uncle.”

But none of that takes away the fact that they were being held against their will for up to two years, while their families wondered if they were dead or alive. 

“My room had an iron bed, and I was given four blankets to make a mattress. A light bulb shone at all times, and an exhaust fan whirred at the corner of the door,” the detainee said.

The man, an ordinary professional, had been picked up from his home for his social media activity, supporting opposing political thoughts. 

A few days into captivity, he asked for a book to read. “They brought me the second part of a book, and when I asked for the first part, they said another detainee was reading it. Later on, when I asked for another specific title, they had that brought in from a bookstore,” he said. “Just the first page with the name of the store was torn out.” 

The detainees were not handcuffed or blindfolded inside their cells; one probable reason for this could be the fact that their cells had two doors – one with rungs like a jail cell, and another solid door – and so they could not see anything outside. 

“The food was slipped in through a trap door at the bottom of the door. I used to wash my hands inside the room,” he said. 

Every time they had to go out of their cells, however, a black hood cover had to be worn and their hands were cuffed. This was during bathroom visits. 

“Once the hood slipped, and my handler did not bother putting it back on. I saw a kitchen to my right, and a woman cooking in there,” he said. 

All food arrived hot and the detainees had a selection to choose from. “During lunch, I was given shaak, tilapia fish, two eggs and daal. When I told them that I didn’t want to eat farmed fish and egg, they brought me beef,” said one detainee. 

“During Ramadan, I used to be given hot milk, a big banana, rice, vegetables and proteins during sehri, and fruits, juices, fried snacks, chickpeas and sweets for iftar,” he described.

Several detainees described that during special days, they used to get feasts – parathas, vermicelli, rice and nut desserts for breakfast, and rich preparations of beef and chicken and rice for meals. 

“Every time I was taken for interrogation, I was asked whether I was being fed and treated well. But regardless of how well I am treated, this is no life. I was detached from my family and they completely destroyed my life,” one detainee described. 

As a guard once said to a detainee, “Over here, you will get whatever you ask for – unless you ask for something I can’t give you.” That something would be letting their friends and families know they were safe, learning the reason for their enforced disappearance, or knowing their fates. 

The detainees described two types of rooms: one facing a wall, and the other facing a balcony. 

The detainee whose cell faced a wall said that the solid door of his cell was kept open most of the time, but was closed every time someone had to be taken to the bathroom so that he could not see them. This detainee was taken in as a case of mistaken identity. 

Another detainee whose cell faced a balcony said he had a small ventilator window, through which he could catch glimpses of the outside world. His cell was on the ground floor. 

Illustration: Biplob Chakroborty.
Illustration: Biplob Chakroborty.

“Through a small grilled ventilator, I saw a jackfruit tree bearing fruit, and watched the fruit grow. I saw the rain, I heard birds. I used to hear a boy playing a guitar and his sister complaining to his mother about him,” he recounted. Right beside this normal, beautiful world, he lay hidden in his hole of solitary confinement.

“I once knocked on the wall to try and talk to the cellmate next to me, but there was no response. The walls were about 10 inches thick and very high,” he described. 

The detainee counted every single day. Using a tiny piece of wood, he would etch the dates at the bottom of the wall. The national days helped him keep track of dates – when he used to hear nationalistic or patriotic songs play outside, he would realise what date it was, he said. 

“Past inhabitants had written many things on the wall – from poetry, to Arabic writing, to Hindu religious symbols. One day, a few men came in and painted all over them,” he described.

Once he slipped and fell in the bathroom, and needed to go to a nearby hospital for an X-ray. 

“They put a hood over my head and led me into a vehicle. That was the first time I felt the sun on the hood covering my face. I heard rickshaw wallahs yelling at each other. I thought of pulling up my hood and running away, but then I thought they would shoot me or catch me. If they caught me, I would not be getting the comforts in my cell. I held onto the officers’ reassurance that when the time came, I would be home again,” he said. 

Another detainee described how he could hear a lot of crying from the next cell. “If he cried too much, he’d be taken somewhere. Then he’d come and sleep for a long time,” he said. 

The solitary confinement was what weighed hard on some of the detainees interviewed by this correspondent, such that they would go into lengthy details about the most mundane conversations they had with their guards – their only point of contact with the outside world. 

Some of them also spoke respectfully – almost fondly – about the handlers who treated them with the minimum dignity, almost as if glossing over the fact that the handlers, too, are captors complicit in this gross human rights violation.

It would be all too easy to discredit their statements as lies, since the interviewees are not revealing their identities. But upon hearing their testimonies, the question arises: Who would want to risk going back to that?

Rádio Gaúcha Zero Hora: Lawsuits over unfinished schools filed in nine states

Structure of several construction sites cannot be reused with common masonry. In the photo, what was left of the construction in Morada do Vale III, in Gravataí. André Ávila/Agencia RBS

To mark World News Day on September 28, 2022, the World News Day campaign is sharing stories that have had a significant social impact. This particular story, which was shared by Rádio Gaúcha Zero Hora (Brazil), was published on June 24, 2022.

In total, there are 9,700 projects that were not completed or ended up paralyzed in Brazil.

The problem of the works suspended by construction company MVC goes far beyond the Rio Grande do Sul territory. Today, there are 9,700 projects for children’s schools and sports fields unfinished or paralyzed in Brazil. Of these, 1,200 are from MVC, according to an audit by the Federal Audit Court (TCU). 

In the initial phase of the Proinfância project, MVC received the most contracts in the country. It won a bid to build 1,241 daycare centers between 2013 and 2015. Most did not get off the ground. If in Rio Grande do Sul it concluded 6% of the 208 contracts, at the national level the performance was worse: 0.64%, according to the TCU. It was the least effective performance among the contractors that proposed an alternative construction method (Casa Alta made 2.7% of the contract, Consórcio PIB made 4.8% and Consórcio Concreto PVC, 5.9%). 

Dissatisfied, city governments have resorted to the judiciary. The RBS Investigation Group (GDI) found 58 lawsuits regarding MVC’s unfinished daycare centers. They are being sued in nine states: Rio Grande do Sul, Sergipe, Bahia, Maranhão, Pernambuco, Piauí, Espírito Santo, Alagoas, and São Paulo. Almost all claim damages. Two procedures, one in Novo Triunfo (BA), and the other in Marechal Deodoro (AL), are under criminal courts. Its basis is alleged irregularities in the bidding process. 

In Rio Grande do Sul, there are at least 21 municipalities suing MVC for damages. Some cities count up to four unfinished schools, promised by the company, such as Gravataí. In addition to this municipality, the report located federal court cases in Gramado, Farroupilha, Bom Jesus, Caxias do Sul, Nova Hartz, Tramandaí, Osório, Terra de Areia, Três Cachoeiras, Portão, Carazinho and Itaqui. All under civil courts. 

The municipalities of Gravataí (BRL 4.2 million for six unfinished schools, four of them from MVC), Gramado, Bom Jesus and Farroupilha (BRL 240,000 per school, five in all, plus interest since 2015) have already won their case. 

— The FNDE did not demand sufficient guarantees, and the works were concentrated from few companies. They were unable to comply with the agreement and the municipalities were left in the lurch — summarizes prosecutor Fabiano de Moraes, who worked for the Federal Public Prosecutor’s (MPF) in cases judged in the Serra region. 

In State Courts, ZH found cases in Passo Fundo, Carazinho, Iraí and Sananduva. And investigations by the Public Prosecutor’s Office were reported in Ametista do Sul, Erechim, Erval Seco, Frederico Westphalen and Três Arroios. 

Companies blame the government 

In July 2017, MVC entered into judicial reorganization and changed its corporate name to Gatron Inovação em Compósitos. Gatron, which hired Carpena Advogados to file compensation claims against the federal government, reports that the problems began with a lack of funding transfers from the FNDE. MVC generated 6,000 jobs at the time, “which were compromised, due to the irresponsibility of the government”, according to the lawyers in a note. Today the company generates around 600 direct jobs.

“In 2014/2015, MVC held more than 10 meetings at the Ministry of Education, explaining the problem of default and requesting the resumption of works, under penalty of the company going bankrupt and the daycare centers not being delivered. At the time, the federal government had no resources to pass on to the municipalities. MVC spoke to more than five education ministers, but given the political instability at the time, lack of financial resources, the threat of impeachment of then President Dilma Rousseff, none of the conversations were fruitful. Every week, a minister would be replaced, including that of Education,” emphasized representatives of Gatron in a note. 

Regarding the legal proceedings to which it responds, Gatron states that it has proven that it is “the victim of a disastrous management by the FNDE, which not only failed to comply with the agreement from the financial point of view, but also in meeting the specificities and problems faced by each municipality”. 

Artecola, MVC’s largest partner until then, also claims that its financial problems came from the failure to fully transfer the amounts agreed by the federal government to the municipalities. It also mentions changes in the management of the FNDE. Artecola’s defense in the lawsuits has argued that several prefabricated school structures were not sent to the municipalities because city governments took a long time to deliver the land, which should have been previously leveled and ready for the work to begin. 

According to a statement from Artecola, the company moved away from civil construction “as a result of the crisis that began with contracts signed by MVC with the government, involving the implementation of daycare centers under the ProInfância program. The Federal Government, through the FNDE and the MEC, did not honor its commitments, suspending payments for the project from the administration that took office with the new government in 2015. As a result, MVC was unable to fulfill its commitments, and Artecola, MVC’s guarantor at the time, was called upon in financial and labor claims.” 

When contacted, Marcopolo declares that its shareholding in MVC was minority, just as an investor, without management power. And it clarifies that it has already been excluded from processes related to the topic. The company also reinforces that there is no final case in which it has been convicted. 

The FNDE manifested with a note: “The FNDE administration informs that it was the responsibility of the municipalities to adopt appropriate measures in order to compel companies to carry out the works. The FNDE did not make any payment to MVC. The funds are transferred to the federated entities (municipalities), which hired the company. The FNDE is not competent to sue MVC for non-compliance with the contracts. It is up to the federated entities to file lawsuits, if necessary. The FNDE analyzes the rendering of accounts to evaluate the correct application of funds and the technical analysis to verify the execution of the works, in order to verify the fulfillment of the foreseen goals and the conclusion of the project objectives.” k for Early Childhood Education (Proinfância). This federal government project emerged in 2012 as a possible redemption for the dilemma of those who had nowhere to leave their children to go to work. Execution was just over halfway through. 

In Rio Grande do Sul, the construction of 1,843 daycare centers and sports courts was planned. Of this total, 853 were not completed. For three reasons: either they were canceled (they only had a contract, the works did not even start) or they are unfinished (the contract ended before the construction was finished) or paralyzed (the construction stopped, but the contract is still in force). 

When someone analyzes the skeletons of unfinished daycare centers that proliferate in Rio Grande do Sul, one name tends to pop up: MVC Componentes Plásticos. This company, which is undergoing judicial reorganization, started to build 41 daycare centers and never finished them. They represent 41% of the works interrupted in Rio Grande do Sul territory by the manager of Proinfância, the National Education Development Fund (FNDE), linked to the Ministry of Education (MEC)

The companies assure that the schools were unfinished because the federal government delayed all transfers of funds for the works. And also because municipalities did not comply with earthworks commitments. “More than 10 meetings were held at the Ministry of Education, explaining the problem of default and requesting the resumption of works. Nothing worked, the resources did not come”, emphasize representatives of Gatron (MVC’s new name), in a note to the editors.

The vast majority of FNDE works are made up of Proinfância children’s schools, but some are sports fields. Of the total of 853 projects that did not succeed in the state, 202 relate to MVC. Most did not even get off the ground, but 41 of these MVC daycare centers were started – and not completed. Of the 41, as the FNDE informed the editors, there are plans to redesign or resume 10. The others are abandoned. 

The Federal Audit Court (TCU) is watching and has just approved a specific audit for interrupted MEC works across the country. Almost all of the abandoned buildings are children’s schools. Of the 9,700 suspended projects, around 2,300 had some structure started. 

Even with these mishaps, Proinfância did more than it failed to do. 15,600 works were completed and another 3,600 are in progress. What is strange to the auditors, according to the court document, is that the federal government has prioritized the construction of 2,000 new schools recently, when there are so many unfinished constructions. 

The RBS Investigation Group (GDI) researched federal government and municipal websites and found that MVC is the contractor that most promised and least fulfilled, among the contracts agreed with the FNDE. When the federal government launched the Proinfância bidding process in 2012, the state faced one of the worst deficits in early childhood education, with a need for more than 215,000 vacancies. MVC closed contracts to generate 19,400 vacancies in Rio Grande do Sul, with the construction of 208 of the 1,800 projects planned by the FNDE for the State (almost all daycare centers). But only 12 schools were completed (6% of the forecast), with a balance of 1,900 vacancies created. Other contractors also failed in the commitment, but MVC is the one that has fulfilled the fewest contracts, proportionately. 

What happened? It is a long story. The federal government was in a hurry to tackle the deficit in early childhood education. In Rio Grande do Sul alone, 215,000 jobs vacancies to be created. Due to the need for speed, the first Proinfância bidding, carried out under the Differentiated Public Procurement Regime, had among the winners four companies that prepared innovative constructive proposals, which promised to conclude in less time and at a lower cost than conventional ones. One of them, MVC, won a bid to build 1,241 daycare centers in the country (208 of them in Rio Grande do Sul), by replacing bricks with a polymer (with fiberglass), a lighter material. 

The method, which claims to be more agile and cleaner than traditional masonry, uses ready-made sheets fitted together. However, the construction company was not able to build the planned schools within the established deadline. It claimed financial difficulties due to lack of transfers of state funds and asked for price readjustments, not granted by the city administrations – which would also have failed to comply with other agreements, such as preparing land. MVC even committed to building 900 by 2015 and started more than 600, according to a report brought to the federal government that year. Then the works stopped. 

The result is that, between 2013 and 2015, MVC concluded only 12 day care centers in the state. This occurred after part of the funds were allocated to the ventures. In addition to wasting public funds and the deterioration of the material wasted in the interrupted works, the communities were left without the daycare center vacancies that would be created in these almost 10 years. 

The Federation of Associations of Municipalities of RS (Famurs) mediated meetings between mayors and representatives of the construction company, which undertook to resume work. But despite promises, the schools were not completed by MVC.

Some municipalities, with the help of federal funds, abandoned the alternative method and, in many cases, used their own resources to complete the schools, hiring other contractors, in addition to obtaining assistance renegotiated with the FNDE. The worst thing is that in many cases these construction companies signed contracts to complete the interrupted works of MVC and also did not complete the service. 

— Mayors struggled to complete daycare centers when MVC left them incomplete. They managed to complete 160 of the 202 projects agreed by MVC. They did this with their own resources, in the most advanced buildings, and with funding from the FNDE in the others. In relation to the 41 interrupted constructions, many are so deteriorated that lack conditions for conclusion — says Márcio Biasi, Education Coordinator at Famurs. 

In some cases, city administrations that resumed work had to redo the entire structure, because MVC’s technology is not compatible with conventional bricklaying, says Biasi. The mayor of the coastal town of Terra de Areia, Aluísio Teixeira, confirms this. MVC abandoned a daycare center construction in that municipality when it had 34% of the work completed. The structure rusts in the open, and the municipality filed a lawsuit for damages against the company. The intention is to use the land for a new day care, but only after they manage to win the lawsuit. In the meantime, the city pays rent for rooms for small children to stay. 

— Not even the foundations of the unfinished daycare can be used more, because the innovative material proposed by MVC does not support the weight of concrete or bricks. We will have to start from scratch,” laments the mayor. 

The work was budgeted at BRL 790,000 and, according to the FNDE, two transfers of BRL 197,000 each were made. The building rots in the open. 

The Federal Audit Court (TCU) even considered that MVC would be declared unsuitable and prohibited from participating in federal bids for five years, but the measure was not adopted. Pressed by debts, the company entered into judicial reorganization in 2017. 

The corporate name MVC was changed to Gatron Inovação em Compósitos, whose headquarters are in São José dos Pinhais (PR). MVC is a corporation whose shareholders included the Rio Grande do Sul companies Artecola (74%) and Marcopolo (26%). Marcopolo alleges that it withdrew from society before the daycare project.